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Indigenous knowledge and practices of indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) play an important role in the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity
. Himalayan giant nettle (Girardinia diversifolia (Link) Friis), locally known as ‘allo’, has economic and cultural values for IPLCs living in the Kailash Sacred Landscape (KSL-Nepal) (comprising Humla, Darchula, Baitadi, Bajhang Districts) of Far-Western Nepal; and Makalu Barun National Park (comprising Shankhuwasabha and Solukhumbu Districts) of Eastern Nepal. This research discusses indigenous and local knowledge of the traditional use and practice of ‘allo’ linked with the sustainability of resources. The study investigated the cultural linkage among ‘allo’ harvesting and processing techniques, traditional medicinal practice as well as conservation practice adopted on ‘allo’ by IPLCs of Far-Western and Eastern regions of Nepal. Different parts of the ‘allo’ plant species are traditionally being used by local healers (Vaidhya) and local communities such as Bohora, Dhami, Thagunna of Darchula District use ‘allo’ as medicine for treating gastritis, joint pain, headache, tuberculosis and asthma. The Kulung Rai people of Sankhuwasabha district use clothes made of ‘allo’ fibre in their rituals. The study revealed that IPLCs use the fibre of ‘allo’ as primary material to make ropes, fishing nets, coats, pants, bags, shawls, purses and many more items to sustain their livelihoods. The traditional harvesting techniques; use of locally available materials such as wood ash, white soil; and locally made equipment like hand spindle, wooden hammer, wooden handloom help in sustainable use and conservation of ‘allo’. Increasing market demand had led to a higher supply of ‘allo’ products, hence, people started to harvest it extensively. The natural resource ‘allo’ has been declining due to high habitat competition with cash crops like Amomum subulatum. Therefore, this study identifies the existing status of ‘allo’ for management and sustainable utilisation to meet the increasing demand for resources, and attempts to share the management practices followed in two different regions of Nepal
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Kotru, R.; Chaudhari, S.; Lemke, E.; Mueller, M.; Chettri, R.; Basnet, S.; Amatya, S.; Pandey, A.; Shrestha, A. J.; Pasakhala, B.; Yao, F.; Gurung, J.; Aryal, K.; Gurung, K; Bhatta, L. D.; Pradhan, N.; Bisht, N.; Joshi, S.; Dorji, T.; Rajbhandari, U.; Chitale, V.; Shaoliang, Y.
The report presents comprehensive updates on the progress made under Kailash Sacred Landscape Conservation and Development Initiative (KSLCDI) in 2016
. The report builds on the reports submitted by partner organisations of KSLCDI and achievements of the year 2016.
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The need for a regional TOT was recognized over the course of multiple interactions between ICIMOD and HILIFE partners in all three countries, where linkages between ecosystems services and livelihood opportunities were discussed and potential livelihood options were mapped
. Recommendations were validated through a Landscape Journey exercise in respective pilot sites in China, India and Myanmar. In all three sites, options for promoting innovative livelihoods through eco-tourism and other NTFPs based value chain development efforts were highlighted, and the need for capacity strengthening mentioned. The idea was to optimize the use of the landscape’s rich natural and socio-cultural assets, rich agrobiodiversity (indigenous plant, livestock, bees) and non-timber natural resources (bamboos, medicinal herbs etc.). The need for practical skills related to operating eco-tourism and other high-value enterprises using value chain approaches, and adapting relevant land water management technologies among institutions and communities in the pilot areas was recognized. This set the stage for the Regional Training of Trainers (TOT) on innovative livelihoods
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Dendrocalamus hamiltonii, a large, clump-forming bamboo, has great potential to contribute towards poverty alleviation efforts across its distributional range
. Harvesting methods that maximize yield while they fulfill local objectives and ensure sustainability are a research priority. Documenting local ecological knowledge on the species and identifying local users’ goals for its production, we defined three harvesting treatments (selective cut, horseshoe cut, clear cut) and experimentally compared them with a no-intervention control treatment in an action research framework. We implemented harvesting over three seasons and monitored annually and two years post-treatment. Even though the total number of culms positively influenced the number of shoots regenerated, a much stronger relationship was detected between the number of culms harvested and the number of shoots regenerated, indicating compensatory growth mechanisms to guide shoot regeneration. Shoot recruitment declined over time in all treatments as well as the control; however, there was no difference among harvest treatments. Culm recruitment declined with an increase in harvesting intensity. When univariately assessing the number of harvested culms and shoots, there were no differences among treatments. However, multivariate analyses simultaneously considering both variables showed that harvested output of shoots and culms was higher with clear cut and horseshoe cut as compared to selective cut. Given the ease of implementation and issues of work safety, users preferred the horseshoe cut, but the lack of sustainability of shoot production calls for investigating longer cutting cycles
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This working paper aims to complement the Post Disaster Need Assessment (PDNA) of the Government of Nepal by providing insights into the livelihood dimensions of the earthquake and its socioeconomic and livelihood impacts
. It explores the strategic choices and options for developing resilient livelihoods post-earthquake. It details a number of key elements of a strategy for livelihood recovery to inform the Government of Nepal’s overall strategic plan
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Khar, which literally means ‘house’, is an age old oral tradition of riddle games in Tshanglakha (Sharchopkha) speaking communities of eastern Bhutan
. This paper attempts to explain the terminology khar for the game of riddles. The preliminary survey of its presence in other dialectic groups of eastern Bhutan, explanation of the terminology for the game, comparison amongst the riddles in different dialectic communities and the way of playing the riddles as well the occasions during which it is played will be discussed. An attempt has been made to find similar oral traditions within other linguistic and dialectic communities in other parts of the country. A modest attempt of finding its prevalence in neighboring and other states of India is made, and comparison is drawn between that of Bhutan and those of other states so as to prove its importance as an age old tradition spread all over the region. This paper also attempts to put forward the importance of khar, as an oral tradition, to lives of rural communities and the causes of its diminishing popularity in present times
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Bhutan's tourism industry began in 1974
. It was introduced with the primary objective of generating revenue, especially foreign exchange; publicising the country's unique culture and traditions to the outside world, and to contribute to the country's socio-economic development1. Since then the number of tourists visiting Bhutan has increased from just 287 in 1974 to over 2,850 in 1992 and over 7,000 in 1999.
By the late 1980's tourism contributed over US$2 million in revenues to the royal government. In 1989, the royal government raised the tourist tariff. That year only 1,480 tourists visited Bhutan but the government still earned US$1.95 million through tourism. By 1992 tourist revenues contributed as much as US$3.3 million and accounted for as much as 15-20% of the total of Bhutan's exported goods and services.
The royal government has always been aware that an unrestricted flow of tourists can have negative impacts on Bhutan's pristine environment and its rich and unique culture. The government, therefore, adopted a policy of "high value-low volume" tourism, controlling the type and quantity of tourism right from the start. Until 1991 the Bhutan Tourism Corporation (BTC), a quasi-autonomous and self-financing body, implemented the government's tourism policy. All tourists, up to that time came as guests of BTC, which in turn operated the tour organisation, transport services and nearly all the hotels and accommodation facilities. The government privatised tourism in October 1991 to encourage increased private sector participation in the tourism sector. Today there are more than 75 licensed tour operators in the country
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